This is where the similarities end.

At 27, I was high-spirited and eager to take on the world. At 27, he must have felt the same, I imagine—that his life was brimming with possibility. But it was at this age that Hafeez was accused of blasphemy.

Today, thirteen years later, he spends his days in a cell six feet by eight, with a toilet in the same space. “Sanitary conditions are not at all good,” says Asad Jamal, one of his lawyers. “The door provides the air to enter, and there is a very, very small outlet too.” Jamal says that Hafeez’s cell is located in a wing reserved for high-risk inmates, men accused of terrorism, and others whose trials are held inside prison because they cannot be safely transported to court. Jamal described Hafeez’s routine in 2019: “No one to talk to. The only time he opens his mouth is when the family comes to meet him. Little time for physical exercise. Total concrete, no trees. Surveillance 24 hours, no privacy.“

After completing his Master’s degree, Hafeez joined Bahauddin Zakariya University in Multan as a lecturer of English Literature while he also wrote poetry. A 2010 interview on FM103 captures his youthful romanticism. Despite the considerable influence of dogmatic and conservative voices on campus, Hafeez was committed to inculcating critical thinking among his students and had managed to carve out a space for independent academic inquiry.

In 2013, however, some of his students accused both him and Shirin Zubair, the head of department at that time, of blasphemy. They mobilized religious groups on campus and distributed pamphlets calling for his arrest and removal as faculty. Given the security threat associated with such accusations, Zubair left the country soon after. But Hafeez believed that he would be able to prove his innocence. Acting on the advice of friends, Hafeez decided to leave Multan on March 13, 2013. But as soon as he arrived in Lahore on a bus service, he was arrested and brought back to Multan. A First Information Report (FIR) had been registered against him earlier the same day.

This swiftness of his arrest was made possible by the fact that in Pakistan, cases of blasphemy are legally considered “cognisable.” For background, Pakistani law classifies criminal offences in two categories: cognisable and non-cognisable. When an offense is cognisable, the police can make an arrest as soon as an FIR is registered, without any warrant.

By contrast, when an offense is non-cognisable, the police are not permitted to investigate the case without a magistrate’s order. After the investigation is conducted, again it is a magistrate who decides whether an arrest warrant should be issued. Blasphemy is thus grouped with crimes such as murder, rape, and terrorism.

Once someone is accused of blasphemy, everyone associated with the accused, including family, friends, and legal counsel, is under credible threat of mob violence. As a result, Hafeez’s family struggled to find legal representation for his defense. The first counsel to represent him dropped the case amidst threats in June 2013. Some time later, Rashid Rehman of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) finally took up his case, even though he was threatened as well. The ICJ reported that Rehman was threatened by at least one of the prosecuting attorneys at a trial in 2014, who went so far as to warn him that he would not live to attend the next hearing. According to Amnesty International, the HRCP wrote to the Punjab government requesting security but no action was taken. On May 7, 2014, Rehman was killed in his office by gunmen. On the day of his burial, leaflets claiming that Rehman had met his “rightful end” were distributed and the person leading his funeral prayers was threatened.

After Rehman’s murder, Asad Jamal, a human rights lawyer, took up Hafeez’s case. Jamal met Hafeez for the first time in September 2014. “He was young, and when I met him he was behind bars, he was smiling,” he says. “I can’t forget that smile on his face. It was a smile of courage and the ability to fight his way out of prison. But I was also shaken. I saw my son in his face.”
Between 2014 and 2019, the case was repeatedly reassigned to new judges.

Eventually, Hafeez’s trial was held in December 2019 inside a high-security prison in Multan. He was convicted under Sections 295-A, 295-B and 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code and sentenced to death by a sessions court. Jamal alleged that during the trial, instead of presenting concrete evidence against Hafeez, the prosecution used threats and innuendo, accusing him of being “against Islam”. According to human rights observers, this is not an uncommon occurrence in Pakistan: observers allege that lower courts frequently fail to follow basic evidentiary standards in blasphemy cases. In addition, threats from outside the court weigh heavily against the accused: Saif-ul-Malook, Hafeez’s current counsel, recently stated in an interview that defendants face fears of retaliation and mob violence.

Acquittals in blasphemy cases usually come from the higher courts instead of the trial courts. According to a 2015 report by the International Commission of Jurists, the appellate acquittal rate for blasphemy cases is around 80 percent, significantly higher than the acquittal rate of 69 percent for other criminal cases in Punjab before appellate courts. Recently, in 2025, Zafar Bhatti, a pastor accused of blasphemy in 2012, was acquitted by the Lahore High Court after being held in prison for 13 years. Justice in the appellate courts often takes years.

After Hafeez’s conviction in 2019, his appeal was filed in 2020. It is still pending.

Another point to underscore is that in a way the initial trial has also still not been concluded. In Pakistan, any case involving capital punishment has two steps. After a trial court awards the death sentence, the case, now referred to as the Capital Punishment Reference, is sent to the High Court, where an independent bench must confirm it after reviewing all the evidence. It gives the accused additional protection where the prosecution’s case has to withstand this double scrutiny. It underscores that the burden of proof is on the prosecution and hence the evidence presented should prove that the crime was committed beyond a reasonable doubt. His hearing for the appeal and the Capital Punishment Reference is still pending. According to Malook, appeals for cases decided in 2021 are being heard in the Lahore High Court but Junaid Hafeez’s case, which was decided in 2019, keeps being rescheduled.

Meanwhile, his lawyer and family have reported sporadic episodes of mental breakdown. His prison conditions are in violation of Pakistan’s own prison rules, which require that a solitary cell have a yard attached, where the occupant gets fresh air. The Penal Code caps solitary confinement, as punishment for a crime, at three months. The UN Committee against Torture, which reviews whether states are meeting their obligations under the Convention against Torture, mentioned Junaid Hafeez specifically when it noted that blasphemy prisoners are isolated for periods far exceeding the fourteen consecutive days the law permits. It also told Pakistan that where protection is genuinely needed, such prisoners must be transferred to another prison or section instead of isolating them, and to ensure that security measures themselves do not amount to ill-treatment.

Such bleak existence would break even the strongest of us, but incredibly, Hafeez still remains hopeful. I first joined other civil society organisers to advocate for Hafeez’s rights in 2019. Little has changed for him in the past seven years.

In my conversations with Hafeez’s lawyers and family, I have learned that his demands are fundamental. He wants his right to a free and fair trial and a chance to prove his innocence as enshrined in the Constitution of Pakistan. He wants the justice system to follow due process, as the Constitution and human decency require.

Hundreds of PTI workers and residents took to the streets to protest the lawmaker’s detention on Monday.

The main rally led by Senator Falak Naz, PTI secretary Syed Farid Jan and other leaders, was held in Chitral city. Chanting slogans against the Islamabad administration, the demonstrators marched to the Chitral Press Club, where party leaders addressed a press conference.

They condemned the arrest of Mr Nasir, describing him not only as an elected representative of over 30,000 constituents but also as a respected scion of the royal family of Chitral.

Protesters demand immediate release of MPA Nasir

They termed the action as the “worst example of tyranny and fascism,” declaring that the people of Chitral would never accept such high-handed tactics.

The speakers expressed deep regret over the ‘systematic political targeting’ of the region’s leadership. They highlighted that MNA from Chitral, Abdul Latif, was already behind bars in fictitious cases related to the May 9 incidents. With their MPA now also incarcerated, leaders lamented that the people of Chitral had effectively been left with no representation in the assemblies.

The leadership underscored that the spirit of PTI workers could not be suppressed through arbitrary arrests and political victimisation.

They announced that workers were prepared to risk their lives to reach Islamabad on Sept 27 to demand the release of their incarcerated leader Imran Khan.

The speakers painted a grim picture of the country’s political landscape, claiming that lawlessness has reached unprecedented heights.

Issuing a stern warning to the authorities, the local leadership demanded the immediate and unconditional release of the Lower Chitral lawmaker.

Speaking on the occasion, Senator Falak Naz emphasised that Imran Khan remained a beacon of hope for impoverished people of Pakistan and a celebrated leader within the Islamic world. She stated that the “dirty game” being orchestrated to sideline him politically was bound to fail.

“The era of governing through batons and bullets is drawing to a close,” Senator Naz remarked, adding that Imran Khan—whom she described as the heartbeat of 250 million Pakistanis—would soon be released, paving the way for the country to return to the path of democratic progress and economic stability.

The atmosphere in Chitral remains highly charged as local PTI chapters finalise logistics for the capital march, with Nasir’s arrest catalysing increased mobilisation across the district.

Published in Dawn, September 22nd, 2026

Pakistan made it two wins from two in Pool B hockey, downing Uzbekistan 5-1 at the Gifu Prefectural Green Stadium.

After a goalless first quarter, Mohammad Ammad opened the scoring in the 18th minute, only for Uzbekistan to shock the national side with an equaliser right on the stroke of half-time, Shokhrukhbek Salimjonov converting a penalty corner in the 30th minute.

The goal jolted Pakistan into action.

Three minutes after the restart, Sufyan Khan restored the lead from a penalty corner — his third goal in two matches — before Abdul Rehman doubled the advantage in the 40th minute from another corner.

Abu Mahmood put the result beyond doubt with a penalty, and Sufyan added gloss in the 57th minute with his second of the match.

Pakistan, who opened their campaign with a 9-0 rout of Thailand on Sunday, next face China, who beat Thailand 8-1, on Thursday.

The kabaddi team also secured their second win of the competition, beating Nepal 58-43 in a Group B clash at the Tokai Citizen Gymnasium.

Led by captain Mudassar Ali, Pakistan built a comfortable 30-17 lead by half-time. Nepal fought back in a tighter second half, but the early deficit proved too much to overcome.

Pakistan’s defence forced six all-outs and their raiders claimed eight bonus points, with 44 outs recorded in total.

The win sets up a clash with Thailand on Wednesday.

In fencing, Pakistan’s Baryal Khan and Mohammed Yaseen Khan lost all five of their bouts in the men’s foil individual at the Aichi Sky Expo Hall.

The 25-year-old Baryal fell to India’s Sachin 5-0, then lost to Jeonghyun Youn of South Korea 5-1. Defeats followed against Mongolia’s Chingis Narmandakh (5-2), Kazakhstan’s Galim Nurumov (5-1) and Chinese Taipei’s Chih-Chieh Chen (5-2).

Youngster Yaseen, 18, lost four of his five bouts 5-0, managing a single point in his only competitive encounter, a 5-1 defeat to Kazakhstan’s Timofey Semyonov.

Qatar’s Abdulrahman Poorgharib, South Korea’s Kwanghyun Lee, Oman’s Ahmed Keskes and China’s Zhaoran Zheng all handed him 5-0 defeats.

In equestrian, Pakistan’s Usman Khan placed 19th out of 32 competitors in the individual eventing dressage phase, riding Eden du Veret to a score of 36.70 penalties (63.33 per cent).

The 45-year-old, partnered with the Selle Francais gelding, delivered a mid-pack performance in a competitive field, finishing just below the halfway mark.

His score leaves him with ground to make up as the competition moves into the jumping and cross-country phases.

The soft tennis rot continued in the singles event on Tuesday, with Eraj Zaidi and Kainaat Shallwani each losing both of their matches 4-0 at the Nagoya City Higashiyama Park Tennis Centre.

In the men’s section, Mohammad Ali and Hussain Arain fared no better, losing all of their matches without winning a single game.

Aleema was detained by authorities on Sunday, after the office of Lahore’s deputy commissioner (DC) ordered her detention or arrest for 30 days.

The DC’s order cited a letter by the Lahore capital city police officer. It said the letter referred to police reports that said Aleema and Ameer “are prejudicial to the public safety and maintenance of public order”.

According to the order, the reports also mentioned that the two had been involved in roadblocks and protests on May 9, 2023, when PTI supporters and workers took to the streets against Imran’s arrest.

It said multiple cases had been registered against the two, declaring them “potential dangers to public peace and tranquillity”.

Justice Abher Gul Khan heard the petition filed by Shahraiz Khan, Aleema’s son, challenging the detention orders.

During the hearing, the court asked the petitioner’s counsel whether he had first approached the relevant authority against the detention order.

Barrister Taimur Malik, the counsel, replied that the case was different from other matters, arguing that the detention proceedings appeared to have been initiated after Aleema and her driver had already been taken into custody.

He submitted that the District Intelligence Committee (DIC) meeting and issuance of the detention notification took place on the same day.

“It appears that the arrest was made first and the DIC meeting was held afterwards,” the counsel alleged.

Barrister Malik further contended that the detention notification was issued after the arrest had already taken place.

Justice Khan observed that the court would examine the issue. She said the court was reserving its decision on the maintainability of the petition.

However, on the counsel’s request, the judge adjourned the hearing until Sept 25 for further arguments.

Aleema’s detention took place amid reports of a crackdown on the PTI ahead of its September 27 countrywide protest and march to Islamabad, which the party has called to demand Imran’s release from jail and mobilise people for the supremacy of the Constitution.

Following Aleema’s detention, her two sisters Dr Uzma Khan and Noreen Niazi were also detained under MPO.

Shahraiz Khan, Aleema’s son, filed a petition through Advocate Rana Mudassar Umar, challenging the detention orders issued by the Lahore DC against his mother and two aunts.

The petition contends that the DC unlawfully issued the detention orders and failed to follow the procedure prescribed under Section 3 of the MPO Ordinance.

It further argues that the orders contain no specific allegations and demonstrate no application of mind.

The petition also says that ordinary criminal law and less restrictive measures were not considered and contends that the grounds for detention were not communicated within the required period, alleging that the detention orders were issued after the arrests.

It asks the court to set aside the detention orders issued by the Lahore DC and declare them unlawful.